Romanian civil society was diffuse, precarious and fragile in the 1980s, while the “uncivil society” (Nomenclature) had grown exponentially as part of the institutional elephantiasis of the Ceausescu autocracy. It is a post-communist context that the Polish political thinker Leszek Kołakowski (the “philosopher of Solidarity”) saw disturbed by tenacious Leninist legacies, which he called – referring to the transformation of the old elites and the persistence of ideological and cultural relics of the old regime – “moving ruins”. The University Square phenomenon was born in this climate of post-revolutionary uncertainty. This perspective may explain both the violent end of dynastic communism and the spasmodic birth of the regime that followed. If we accept the concept of “post-totalitarianism” -as formulated by Václav Havel (The Power of the Powerless), Ágnes Heller, Ferenc Fehér, and György Márkus (The Dictatorship of Needs) -as a phase of the decomposition of communist regimes in the former Soviet bloc, then Romania was the exception, insofar as the dictatorship of Nicolae Ceausescu symbolized the radicalization of the political system. Of all the countries covered by the revolution in 1989, Romania was distinguished by the degree of persistence of certain neo-authoritarian mental, institutional and political forms that were perpetuated after the disappearance of totalitarianism.
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In the 19th century, it was brutally interrupted by the establishment of a series of right (1938–1944) and left (1945–1989) dictatorships.
In Romania, the post-communist transition was hampered by the fragility of the democratic tradition, which, although dated from the second half of the century.
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